Even democracies are not always a safe harbor for religious groups. The case of Japan, whose relationship with faiths is complex and sometimes puzzling, shows it all too well.
by Marco Respinti
Religious liberty is the first need of human beings―and one much threatened in the contemporary world, even in places that one would never suspect: democratic countries. This is why Samuel Brownback, former US Ambassador-at-Large for International Religious Freedom, and Dr. Katrina Lantos Swett, president of the Lantos Foundation for Human Rights and Justice as well as former chair of the US Commission on International Religious Freedom, hosted the International Religious Freedom (IRF) Summit Asia in Tokyo, Japan, on July 22, 2024, the first time such an event was held in that country.
Japan is in fact a democratic society where the rule of law is well-established and the basic human rights are respected. Located in an area of the world where democracy is rare―similarly to the Republic of China (ROC) in Taiwan―, its international role as a force for stability and decency can be hardly underestimated. Yet not all is perfect. In the country, religious liberty is in fact curtailed for some groups that are perceived to be problematic for various reasons, not all of them clear nor persuasive. It is blatantly the case of the Family Federation for World Peace and Unification (formerly known as the Unification Church) and the Jehovah’s Witnesses.
In particular, the first has been maliciously, and unfairly, tied to the assassination of former Japanese prime minister Abe Shinzo (1954–1922) and is now the victim of a persecution that readers of “Bitter Winter” know only too well. Its property at risk of being seized and its activities impeded, it lives under the constant threat of being dissolved as a religious organization, after the government has filed a case asking for dissolution with the Tokyo District Court. Staggeringly, it has ended up being considered a villain in the Abe Shinzo case while in reality it is a victim (The General Assembly of The Japanese Committee for the International Coalition for Religious Freedom underlined this case during a parallel event).
More and more endangered each day, the fate that the group may suffer, in case it doesn’t succeed to make its reasons prevail, is paradigmatic of what may happen to pacific and law-abiding groups that even in democratic countries appear on the list of the unwelcome. It is in fact never enough to utter the word “democracy” if its substance is not respected.
Skyscrapers and shrines
The relation of today’s Japan with religion is indeed complex. Japan comes from a long and deep cultural history where religion played the highest role in shaping national identity―a common feature of all pre-secularized societies. Yet modernity has been as aggressive as possible also in Japan, with all its burden of secularism.
One of the most technologically advanced country in the word yet still anchored to ancient rituals, today’s Japan is a clear mixture of ancient and modern. Of course, this is true of all contemporary societies, but it happens in Japan in a peculiar way. The juxtaposition of traditional elements and ultramodern symbols is both strident and harmonious, without violating the principle of non-contradiction. It all depends on the angle of observation and on the observers themselves, which does not mean adopting the viewpoint of relativism.
For example, beautiful skyscrapers exceed in height but never overshadow the city park of the luxurious Akasaka residential and commercial district of Minato, a ward not far away from Kokkai, the National Diet, or legislative assembly, of Japan. They do not overcome the Shinto Hie-jinja Shrine dedicated to the god Oyamakui no Kami. Casual visitors may walk under the torrid sun and the unbearable humidity of Tokyo’s late July and be surprised to see a traditional structure shyly peeping out from a by-road, semi-buried among modern edifices, only to discover that it is the grave of neo-Confucian master Ibe Kozan (1794–1853).
Or one may take advantage of the ultimate blessing of modernity in the heavily air-conditioned cars of the subway and, traveling along the Asakusa Line, reach the Shonagawa District to piously burn incense sticks to the memory of the famous, heroic 47 ronin who are buried in the calm and heartening Buddhist temple of Sengaku-ji. This is just in front of a noisy construction site, where yet another tall building of glass and metal, fascinating in itself, is heading to the clouds in the clear sky.
The Japanese way to religion
In Japan, religion is all over. It surrounds discount markets and expensive spa centers, the serialized cheap shops that are the paradise of junk food as well as elegant restaurants which serve the best raw seafood or the famous Kobe beef. The 20th century has been tough for Japan and, coming from a bloody history of clash with the West and persecution of Christianity, the country is today visibly both attracted and repulsed by European and American models. English, the new lingua franca of the world, is less commonly spoken than one would imagine. Signs explaining important cultural artifacts are written only in Japanese. And, in the paradise of microchips, cash money is often the only way out for the foreigner. Yet, once more, religion is everywhere.
It is so entrenched in everything, even in secular features and postures, to become invisible. It is like the ghosts of Japanese stories collected by Irish-Japanese writer and folklorist Patrick Lafcadio Hearn (1850–1904), known also as Koizumi Yakumo. In fact, few Japanese speak openly of religion. At times, it seems a Western naiveté to talk about the role of religion in society (so far for the proud secularized West) and it sounds totally odd when that includes politics. Shintoism has played a huge role in shaping the mind and customs of Japan, but today it is “practiced” only by a small number of people; yet its cultural presence can be felt in the air. Buddhism should theoretically be the faith of most Japanese, yet the majority of the population declares to be non-religious. It may be, but Japan is one of those places where it is common to see businesspeople in white shirt, tie, and suitcase, even young, stopping by city shrines for prayers at every hour of the day.
Sam Brownback got it right when, at the IRF Summit Asia, cited statistics on religion in Japan with percentages that overcome the total: if you sum all the partial numbers of people declaring to adhere to this or that faith, or to be non-believers, the result exceeds the maximum of one hundred percent. But it is not a mistake, and people don’t lie. They just live religion in a different way. Brownback observed that, as much secular Japan seems to be today, or wants to appear, religion is commonly practiced, only under other names. The word “religion” itself is in fact sometimes problematic, meaning different things in different cultural contexts. It is often perceived only as “organized religion.” So, people who practice a less institutionalized form of belief may tend to fall out of statistics or to garble them. In Japan, where culture and religion overlap, making culture religious and religion more mundane, this may be the case of several forms of Buddhist and Shinto beliefs.
The freedom of others and our own
Explaining the rationale of the first IRF Summit Asia in Tokyo, its co-chairs Brownback and Lantos Swett wrote, in an article for “The Korea Times,” that they consider “[…] the need to protect and defend freedom of conscience rights in Asia” as “more important now than it ever has been before.” In fact, they continue, “studies have shown that religious pluralism and respect for the dignity of every person can lead to increased stability and incredible economic potential. By actively promoting this right through foreign policy, we seek to be a voice for the millions who languish under restrictive governments and a bulwark against the expansion of religious repression.”
Moreover, conscious of the great record of Japan as a defender of liberties, but also acknowledging its problems, Brownback and Lantos Swett pointed out that “history has shown the vital importance of democratic nations leading the way on protecting and advancing these rights and leading by example. This will be particularly important in Asia. When it comes to freedom of belief, we sincerely hope that Japan will assume a greater role in the struggle to protect the ability of men and women to live according to the dictates of their own conscience. As the leading democracy in the region, Japan has a duty to help safeguard fundamental human rights in Asia. This isn’t about any particular religion or sect. Many of our participants will strongly disagree with one another on matters of theology. Rather it is about a mutual respect for each other and for a plurality of beliefs, including those different from our own. We must honor the freedom of others if we want our own freedoms to also be respected.”
Looking forward to Japan’s substantial leadership The Tokyo Summit was a rich event. “Bitter Winter” saw it live (the undersigned chaired a panel on the impact of genocide in Asia, featuring prominent leaders of the Uyghur, Tibetan and Rohingya persecuted communities) and can testify to it.
Aptly combining scholarship and activism, speakers included David Curry, President and CEO of Global Christian Relief; Peter Burns, Executive Director of the IRF Summit; Omer Kanat, President of Uyghur Human Rights Project; Ilham Mahmut, President of Japan Uyghur Association; Tsewang Gyalpo Arya, Representative of His Holiness the Dalai Lama for Japan & East Asia; Zaw Min Htut of the Rohingya Community in Japan; Hannah Clayton Smith, Associate Director of the International Center of Law and Religion Studies; Ambassador Nathan Sales, non-resident Senior Fellow at the Atlantic Council; Father M. Christu Rajamony of the Archdiocese of Madras, India; Robert Řehák, U.S. Special Envoy for Holocaust Issues, Interfaith Dialogue and Freedom of Religion or Belief; Rev. Yoshinobu Miyake, Chair of the Board of the International Shinto Studies Association; Benedict Rogers, CEO of Hong Kong Watch; Saho Matsumoto, Professor at Nihon University; Tim Peters, Founder of Helping Hands Korea; Thang Nguyen Dinh, Executive Director of Boat People SOS; and Bob Fu, President of ChinaAid. William Lai, President of the ROC, sent a video message.
The symposium concluded with an interview to former US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo, conducted by Eric Ueland, Vice Chair of USCIRF. This undoubtedly sealed the relevance of the Tokyo event at the geo-strategical level. Pompeo was in fact the politician who launched the original and influential idea of organizing periodic ministerial encounters on freedom of religion or belief to gently but firmly challenge heads of states and governments around the world on the basis of the unashamed idea to announce them, in their own presence, and through them to the whole world, that religious liberty is the guiding light of U.S. foreign policy. Of course, the political scenario changes over time in the U.S. as it does all over the world, but the strength and depth of that first principle of Pompeo’s remains as a pure ideal untouched by any political variance, underlining what needs to be always done and remains to be done yet.
In Tokyo, Pompeo showed to be a genuine man of faith himself. The spirit he inaugurated, when he served in the Trump Administration, was de facto echoed by Brownback’s and Lantos Swett’s reflections on the IRF Summit Asia 2024 (again via “The Korea Times”): “Japan can take a major step in assuming a more substantial leadership role by joining a coalition of democracies that advance the cause of religious freedom. Thirty-eight countries are members of the International Religious Freedom or Belief Alliance, but neither Japan nor South Korea are among them. Instead, they are designated a ‘Friend’ of the Alliance but not a full-fledged member. The Alliance is the primary means by which democracies promote religious tolerance in foreign policy, and the absence of key democratic partners like Japan and South Korea is glaring.”
As it has been repeatedly said throughout the conference, it was just the first time for Japan: hopefully, the beginning of a path.
