The former speaker of Tochigi Prefectural Assembly told his story, why he cooperated with the Unification Church, and why he believes it has been unfairly slandered.
by Toshikazu Masubuchi
Article 1 of 3.
I was born on July 4, 1946, in Utsunomiya City, Tochigi Prefecture. After graduating from local elementary and middle schools, I completed my education at Tamagawa Gakuen High School. I then joined my father’s company, Masubuchi Construction, which was the largest construction company in the prefecture. At the age of 20, I married my wife, Emi. Unfortunately, she passed away in September 2020. When I was 26 years old, my father encouraged me to pursue a career in politics. In July 1974, I ran as a candidate from the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) in the by-election for the Tochigi Prefectural Assembly, but unfortunately I was unsuccessful. In the following year, 1975, I ran for the Tochigi Prefectural Assembly again and was elected.
From then until 2011, I served as a prefectural assembly member for nine terms. In 1991, at the young age of 45, I was elected as the 80th Speaker of the Tochigi Prefectural Assembly. I served as the Chairman of the Organizing Committee for the Tochigi Prefecture Citizens’ Celebration Ceremony for His Majesty’s 20th Anniversary of Reign, held on December 13, 2009. I had a younger brother named Hiroshi Masubuchi. Hiroshi worked as a lawyer and even served as the President of the Tochigi Prefecture Bar Association. However, he passed away in November 2023.
From the beginning of my political career, influenced by my parents, I have held conservative political beliefs. For me, the essence of conservative politics lies in patriotism and religious faith. Masashige Kusunoki [1294–1338, the epitome of the loyal samurai in Japanese history] advocated “Hirihōkenten” as his emblem. This means that one should act in accordance with the will of Heaven. Without a sense of reverence towards Heaven, people would act as they please, and justice would not prevail. Following the will of Heaven is essential for politics that lead people to happiness. Although Japan is often described as non-religious, religious sentiments are actually ingrained within the people, as seen in the incorporation of religious rituals into annual events. I believe that the Japanese people’s reputation for moral integrity is largely due to the deep-rooted religious faith that has been traditionally passed down from one generation to the next.
Speaking of my family, my father was a self-made man who achieved success in his business and can be described as a typical “rags-to-riches” figure. However, he also held deep reverence for the gods and ancestors. He donated a torii gate to the local shrine and made substantial contributions to the construction of the main hall of our family temple. He even served as the chairman of the committee for the temple’s construction. When my wife passed away, I obtained a Buddhist posthumous name, “Saishōin Eiga Emi Seijō Daiji,” from the head priest of our family temple and made a donation of 200,000 yen. This, too, was an expression of my faith.
While there are various religions in the world, I believe that just as there are different climbing routes up Mount Fuji, different religions and sects may differ, but they all aim for the same summit. Therefore, I respect religions other than Buddhism as well.
My conservative political philosophy and communism are entirely incompatible. Fundamentally, communism, which denies the existence of God, is indifferent to any means necessary to achieve its goals. As a result, tens of millions or even hundreds of millions of lives were taken in the former Soviet Union, the People’s Republic of China (PRC), Cambodia, and other places, without any concern for the methods employed. Furthermore, the theoretical notion that communism can achieve utopia through a one-party dictatorship of the proletariat is fiction. Even among the working class, concentration of power leads to its abuse, and there is no restraint on human rights violations.
The actions of the left are often accompanied by falsehoods. In my experience, there was an incident at a junior high school in Utsunomiya City where students were causing a disturbance, and the principal had to call the police. If a situation becomes unmanageable within a school, it is necessary to involve the police. However, the principal, under pressure from left-leaning media, had to struggle to defend his decision. Unable to overlook this, I publicly stated, “The school principal, who is not accustomed to dealing with the media, should not be on the front line. The board of education should handle media relations.” In response, the “Asahi Shimbun” falsely claimed that “Masubuchi tried to block free speech,” creating a commotion. The Communist Party also distributed pamphlets with similar content and conducted street demonstrations. Their characteristic is to consistently shift away from the essence of the matter, and they are comfortable with telling lies.
After losing in the by-election for the Tochigi Prefectural Assembly in July 1974, I was introduced to the International Coalition for Victory Over Communism as a conservative political organization by an acquaintance. During the Cold War, there was a dangerous situation with the communist bloc actively pursuing expansionist policies, and Japan and South Korea faced the risk of becoming communist. Concerned about such circumstances, the International Coalition for Victory Over Communism (IFVOC) was founded by Reverend Sun Myung Moon, the founder of the Unification Church, later called Family Federation for World Peace and Unification (hereinafter referred to as “FFWPU”). It was established in Japan in 1968.
Due to my concerns about the spread of communism, when members of IFVOC visited me, we engaged in lively discussions criticizing communism.
Around 1976, the Tochigi Prefectural Convention of IFVOC was held, and Chairman Osami Kuboki of IFVOC delivered a speech titled “A Cry for the Salvation of the Country.” At that time, political distrust was high due to the aftermath of the Lockheed incident, and it was the era of left-wing dominance. Amidst this, Chairman Kuboki’s speech, addressing the threat of communism from a conservative standpoint, was a rare appeal, and I was deeply impressed. As someone proud to be a conservative politician, it felt as if I had gained a million allies and found a leader in political philosophy. At that time, the religious affiliations of those leading IFVOC were an entirely different dimension of the issue.
In 1978, the Kyoto Prefectural Governor election took place. The left-wing administration of Torazo Ninagawa had lasted for 28 years in Kyoto, and to overthrow it, young members of IFVOC fought on the front lines through street speeches and more. They even faced fierce interference from the Communist Party at times. After such life-threatening battles, conservative candidate Yukio Hayashida won the election. In response, Kenji Miyamoto, the Communist Party chairman at the time, was furious and called for the destruction of IFVOC and FFWPU (“Red Flag,” June 8, 1978).
Subsequently, IFVOC continued to engage in frontline battles in various local elections. Left-wing local governments, such as Ryokichi Minobe in Tokyo (1967–1979), Ryoichi Kuroda in Osaka (1971–1979), and Kazu Hata in Saitama (1972–1992), disappeared one after another, leading to the decline of once-thriving leftist municipalities. Thus, the 1990s became an era of conservative dominance. IFVOC saved Japan from left-leaning tendencies. On the other hand, for the Japanese Communist Party and its sympathizers, IFVOC became an “irreconcilable enemy.”
Around 1980, IFVOC established branch organizations nationwide, mainly consisting of politicians. In Tochigi Prefecture, we formed the Tochigi Prefecture General Branch, with former senator Noboru Yano as the chairman and me taking on the role of secretary-general. Knowing that they had been fighting for Japan with utmost dedication, I readily accepted the position.